Wider,
longer,
deeper
The EU Emissions Trading
Scheme is not without its critics,
particularly regarding its impact
on competitiveness. But
Paul Dawson argues that
the answer is more, not less,
emissions trading
May 2006 saw the completion of the first full compliance cycle
of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), with the publication of
verified carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions data for some 11,000 factories,
power plants and other installations across Europe. With the first
full year behind us, and some valuable lessons learned in the process,
attention is now shifting to the future.
The process for setting the CO2 targets for industry for Phase
II of the EU ETS which runs from 2008 is already in train. The
Commission is engaged in a fundamental review of the scheme with
a view to improvements for Phase III (from 2013) and beyond, and
early discussions between the parties to the Kyoto Protocol have
begun on a post-2012 framework for a successor international climate
agreement. Now is therefore a good time to ask what the future should
look like for emissions trading post-2012 and whether, as intended,
the EU ETS provides a workable template for an international emissions
trading system post-2012.
Amid the excitement of the first year, it is easy to forget that
the EU ETS has actually worked as intended in establishing a market
price signal for emission reductions, accelerating Clean Development
Mechanism (CDM) projects and providing a verified baseline of actual
emissions from which to assess the planned Phase II reductions.
Nevertheless, several problems remain.There is concern about the
impact of the scheme on industrial competitiveness; the adequacy
of the scheme in driving long-term low-carbon investments; and its
ability to deliver global emission reductions in the light of emissions
growth in sectors and countries operating without similar constraints
on greenhouse gases.
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The temptation when faced with these problems is to conclude that
'cap-and-trade' systems such as the EU ETS do not work and to seek
alternative solutions (eg, sector baselines, technology initiatives,
etc) to fill the gap. This is a gross error. Far from demonstrating
that emissions trading does not work, these problems stem from the
limited time horizons and scope (both sectoral and geographic) of
the EU ETS.
The solution is not to walk away from emissions trading as the
primary instrument in tackling climate change, but to expand its
horizons significantly and to go wider, longer and deeper in developing
a long-term, international and cross-sectoral cap-and-trade scheme.
Wider
The EU ETS has fundamentally changed EU industry's cost function.
It now faces the cost of purchasing (or not selling) allowances
to match actual emissions and the indirect cost associated with
the inclusion of carbon prices in electricity prices. Although free
allowance allocations have largely mitigated the direct cost to
industry, the pass-through of carbon prices into electricity prices
and the associated concerns over 'windfall profits' accruing to
electricity generators, has proved to be one of the most controversial
aspects of the EU ETS.
These impacts have generated opposition to emissions trading on
the grounds that it is damaging the competitiveness of European
industry. This is based on a misconception: the fact that carbon
has a price in Europe and that price feeds through into the
electricity market is a function of EU policy on climate
change rather than the EU ETS. Emissions trading is merely the instrument
to deliver EU carbon reductions and the cost of achieving similar
reductions via carbon taxation, direct regulatory controls, reduction
obligations etc would be significantly higher.
Nevertheless, as long as the geographic scope of emissions trading
under the EU ETS and Kyoto remains limited, these
schemes remain subject to the criticism that they damage the competitiveness
of covered countries while failing to deliver on the ultimate goal
of reducing global emissions (as emissions continue to rise unchecked
in countries without corresponding carbon constraints).
The only acceptable and credible solution to delivering the required
global emissions reductions must therefore ultimately be a global
cap-and-trade scheme. At a stroke, industry everywhere would face
the same price for the 'common currency' of emissions and the opportunities
to ensure that the required reductions are made at the lowest possible
global cost would be maximised. An international trading scheme
also has significant advantages either as a substitute for, or as
a complement to, other international schemes, mechanisms and initiatives.
For example:
The solution is not to walk away from emissions trading,
but to expand its horizons significantly and to go wider,
longer and deeper
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Unlike sector approaches based on emissions intensity targets
(addressing emissions per unit of production), an international
trading scheme would ensure absolute emissions reductions and, via
seamless trading between sectors, ensure that reductions are carried
out in the sectors and applications where they are most efficient.
International emissions trading is an essential supplement to
international technology sharing initiatives in providing the direct
commercial incentive to accelerate the adoption and dissemination
of low-carbon technologies.
Attempts to favour or protect domestic industry (eg, via free
allowance allocations) would become squarely an international trade
issue rather than an environmental negotiation (and, in this context,
it's interesting to envisage a system of trade tariffs and subsidies
as the means to enforce the acceptance of emissions caps on otherwise
recalcitrant nations).
Although negotiations over the respective national caps will no
doubt be challenging, every nation would presumably be willing to
accept some level of reduction and/or expansion. Focusing discussion
on the level and trajectory of caps rather than their very existence
should therefore form the starting point for post-2012 international
discussions.
Longer
Another challenge for the EU ETS is that its time horizons are
currently relatively short when compared to those for investments
in energy efficiency and low-carbon generation technologies. Phase
I of the scheme runs for only three years, with subsequent five-year
phases, but with the caps and allocations for each phase only known
18 months to one year before the start of each period. Although
the horizons of the EU ETS and the CDM continue beyond
2012, and some form of carbon constraint post-2012 can reasonably
be expected, continued uncertainty over the post- 2012 framework
leads investors to discount the value of post-2012 reductions and
increasingly threatens to slow delivery of long-term investments
in emission reductions, both within the EU and via the CDM.
The cost of achieving similar reductions via carbon taxation,
direct regulatory controls or reduction obligations would
be significantly higher
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A longer-term framework for emissions caps (and associated allowance
allocations) would significantly increase certainty and reduce the
risk (and hence costs) associated with investment. In doing so,
it would also deliver the required reductions more efficiently by
allowing more efficient trade-offs between short-term measures and
large-scale, long-lived investments in low-carbon technologies.
Although longer-term caps are desirable, the duration of the caps
cannot be divorced from the geographic scope of emissions trading
post-2012. For example, in the absence of an international trading
scheme, it seems likely that the EU will continue to allocate a
sizeable proportion of free allowances to reduce potential effects
on competitiveness. However, longer compliance periods make it more
likely that free allocations (based on grandfathering or benchmarking)
become detached from the underlying requirements across different
sectors and increase the potential for economic distortions associated
with closure of installations or the entry of new emitters. In the
absence of a global trading system from 2013, the EU may also be
unwilling to show its hand by committing to long-term caps in advance
of negotiations on an international scheme.
By contrast, an international trading scheme would open up the
potential to set very long-term caps on emissions (potentially 30
years or more). Indeed, negotiations over long-term targets in 30
years time and the associated trajectory towards those targets
may prove a more tractable base for international negotiations
than negotiations on what emissions should be for each nation in
six years time. The development of longer-term caps to facilitate
efficient investment in carbon abatement, while dependent on a broader
global system of emissions caps, could therefore in itself make
a major contribution to facilitating negotiations on an international
emissions trading system.
Deeper
Having established the need for a wider and longer system of emissions
trading, there is one final dimension to explore how deeply
should the scheme extend to a nation's sources of emissions?
The EU ETS experience is instructive in this regard. It only covers
roughly half of EU emissions from installations in heavy industrial
sectors (energy, ferrous metals, minerals, pulp and paper) but excludes
emissions from transport and other industrial, commercial and domestic
sources.This raises the concern that emissions outside of the scheme
(notably in transport and aviation) continue to rise and offset
the overall environmental effectiveness of the scheme in reducing
total emissions.
However, even tight controls on emissions outside the scheme will
be inefficient if the marginal cost of the reductions achieved exceeds
the cost of abatement within the scheme. For this reason, there
is a prima facie case for extending emissions trading beyond heavy
industry to the aviation and transport sectors and to other commercial
and domestic energy users. Covering all relevant sources of emissions
ensures that all sectors contribute to achieving the required national
reductions and via a common price for carbon ensures that business
and individuals make efficient trade-offs between their emitting
activities in delivering the required reductions at the lowest possible
cost to the economy.
A price on carbon would be more credible, more popular and
less susceptible to short-term intervention than taxes
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Against these benefits, the main challenge is the transaction costs
involved in expanding emissions trading to millions of additional
emitters. Short of a technological solution to this issue (and there
is already a nascent debate on personal carbon quotas), the solution
is a flexible approach to the compliance responsibility for the
associated emissions. For example, the obligation to surrender allowances
could be imposed on suppliers of primary fuels. There are relatively
few gas, oil and coal suppliers and each will already know in detail
how much fuel they have supplied to their customers. It would then
be relatively straightforward to calculate the associated carbon
emissions by applying typical emissions intensity factors for the
fuel supplied.
The other main objection to expanding emissions trading to new
sectors is that the low elasticity of demand for petrol and domestic
fuel means that such expansion would translate into a 'carbon tax'
on these fuel uses with little, if any, impact on overall emissions
and with negative consequences for the existing traded sectors.
However, this fails to account for the following:
Including the additional emissions (and the associated potential
for abatement) within the scheme can only be beneficial since, if
demand were genuinely inelastic, the traded sector would have to
meet any shortfall in abatement from the non-traded sectors to meet
an overall national cap.
Unlike a suite of taxes (where the associated demand response
is unpredictable), the price of carbon would provide a single, unified
signal that responded dynamically to the overall tightness of the
carbon constraint and hence would be more credible,more popular
and less susceptible to short-term intervention than taxes.
Greater consumer awareness of the emissions associated with consumption
will in itself help to reduce customer inertia and improve demand
response.
Extending emissions trading would complement not substitute
for other policy instruments targeting emission reductions
(eg, appliance, building and vehicle efficiency standards, labelling
requirements, etc).
In conclusion, as the lessons from the first full compliance year
of the EU ETS bed down and attention shifts to post-2012 arrangements,
there is a danger of misinterpreting the lessons to date. The story
is not one of emissions trading not working as an instrument (it
has), but the inevitable consequences of reducing emissions within
a scheme with limited time horizons and partial geographic and sectoral
coverage. As we develop the post-2012 discussions, we need to accept
the (perhaps uncomfortable) truth that reducing global emissions
ultimately requires long-term global emissions caps and that emissions
trading is the best instrument by far to deliver the required reductions.We
therefore need to focus on the best, forget the rest, and start
thinking wider, longer, deeper in the development of a truly international
emissions trading scheme.
Paul Dawson is director of regulatory affairs at Barclays Capital,
a London-based investment bank. E-mail: paul.dawson@barcap.com
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